Real Reason June 12 1993 Elections in Nigeria Were Annulled.

June 12 has been touted as a grand elite conspiracy. It is not: it was a conspiracy between two, and only two persons alone; General Ibrahim Babangida and General Sanni Abacha. The twosome had to draft in the greedy, thieving elite when it became clear the situation was getting more intractable than envisaged.
In the heat of the annulment of the June 12, 1993 elections, Gen Muhammadu Buhari,  now Nigerian president, granted Tell magazine (or The News) an interview in which he categorically stated that the elections were not meant to work in the first place. It was a revelation that should have been obvious to everyone in the first place, the storied elections being a culmination of a macabre political transition process in which two political parties were registered by fiat by the military junta headed by Gen Ibrahim Babangida who loved to style himself the evil genius. It might sound a bit funny that political institutions in Africa were being modeled after the Republican and Democratic parties of the US but the joke turned a bit flat when Babangida started banning, unbanning and then banning again political aspirants and election dates got mired in endless postponements. It was a process meant to have one logical end but Nigerians, being the passionate and passive people they are, had to wait for Buhari to reveal it to them. When it was too late.
Yet, the interview, revealing as it was, was only a tip of the iceberg. A huge chunk of horror and distress lay underneath. Being a measured man, flames were already high and he was reluctant to pour in more petrol. Otherwise he would have revealed that when Babangida was plotting to overthrow him as military head of state, he swore to Gen Sanni Abacha, whose support was vital to the success of the coup, on the Koran, that he would hand over power to Abacha, nobody else but Abacha, anytime he relinquished power. Not that Abacha believed him, he knew Babangida liked swearing falsely, taking the name of Allah in vain. In fact, Buhari got wind of the plot against him and promptly invited Babangida, his Chief of Army Staff. 'Ibro, I heard that you were plotting a coup against me'. Babangida denied it outright and had a Koran brought in, on which he swore. So merely swearing on the Holy Book wasn't going to fool Abacha
Nobody can say with certainty how this power-transfer oath between these two men would have unraveled but two events were to later play hugely to Abacha's favor. The first was the first plot against Babangida, otherwise known as the Vatsa coup. The rebels had tried to draw in Col Alalade, an Abacha acolyte, into the plot. He refused but kept silent. Not until the conspirators set after him, fearing he would let the cat out of the bag. He was fatally wounded but did not succumb to his injuries immediately and it was on his death bed that he sent for Abacha and revealed everything to him. Abacha did not hesitate to save Babangida's skin.
Again in 1990, in a far more violent insurrection led by a young major, Gideon Orkar. As the gunfire of the mutiny died down, quelled by Abacha's troops, it dawned on Babangida that whether he was sincere in his oath to hand power over to Abacha or not, he had no choice now. Hence, the whole transition program was no more than a contraption, a rigmarole, to bring to fruition the fulfillment of a pact he swore to in 1984.
So by the time the presidential elections were held on June 12, 1993 and the results started tricking in, giving Chief M.K.O.Abiola an overwhelming lead against his rival, Alhaji Bashir Tofa, Babangida was practically a prisoner in Aso Rock, cornered like a rat in his own seat of power, held hostage by Abacha. He has made so much noise about officers and prominent northerners being against Abiola's presidency. It was all bunkum. Only one prominent northerner was against Abiola. That was Abacha. And he was the person that mattered, control of the army being completely in his hands. Babangida himself was finished militarily in the aftermath of the Orkar coup, having escaped from the mutineers in an old Peugeot 504 station wagon through a secret path out of Dodan Barracks, the then seat of power, dressed as a cook. It was the worst humiliation he would face in his life and in the wake of that, Abacha was the de facto military strongman, planting his boys and buddies in the strategic military formations. Therefore as the controversy over the polls raged, Babangida was a commander-in-chief unable to give orders to his own bodyguards. When Professor Omo Omoruyi, head of the Center for Democratic Studies visited him in Aso Rock during the crisis, Babangida intimated him of people watching all his movements and would not hesitate to kill him. He was right. Those invisible eyes were Abacha's men stationed everywhere in the seat of power, armed with the order to move against him if there was slightest inclination to do so. A move to announce the results and declare Abiola as president would have sent him instantly into his grave. In fact, Abacha would have finished him off instantly if not for the fact that it was Abacha who insisted in the first place the polls should go ahead, believing Tofa, a fellow northerner who hailed from the same Kano state as himself would win the election. It would then be easy for him to move against a fellow northerner. The average northerner does not really care about who governs them, civilian or military, as long as he is from the north. Spurious sample polls had fooled Abacha into believing that the voting patterns that brought Shehu Shagari's NPN into power in the defunct 2nd Republic would be reenacted. Northern votes would be delivered for Tofa en bloc and votes from the fractious south would be shared between the two candidates. The more discerning Babangida wasn't so sure and was for the postponement of the polls, favoring interim political arrangements, schemes in which he was well-versed. As he feared, Abiola won hands down, fair and square, taking the vital northern city of Kano, home of his opponent. There was no way Abacha was going to seize power from Abiola, northerners had been in power for a hefty 14 years, besides Abiola would have moved against him the moment he assumed power, Abacha being a famed coup plotter. Annulling the elections became the only option. An alternative was to announce the results of the elections and declare Abiola as president. And die. At the hands of Abacha. Sad Babangida lacked the courage to lay down his life for honor.

Abiola

Babangida

Abacha

General Babangida and General Abacha: A 'Friendship' that Ruined Nigeria 2.

So Babangida started plotting against Buhari quite actively the very day the latter became head of state. And his projections about the new administration came to trenchant actualities. As he expected, Buhari left the affairs of state largely in the hands of Major General Tunde Idiagbon, Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, effectively his deputy. Idiagbon was another stern, disciplined army officer who arrogantly believed Nigerians could be whipped in line in a day. But the civilian forces he was contending against were too numerous, too riotous, too stubborn and when the resistance became too intractable, it became necessary to resort to high-handed tactics. Newspapers were proscribed, journalists were jailed, unions banned and human rights abuses spiraled away. Nigerians welcomed Buhari with open arms but it didn't take long for the relationship to turn sour. In a disorganized country of 80m people with little or no civic orientation, few, very few, were ready to embrace regulated discipline. The domestic intelligence agency in those days was the National Security Organization(NSO) and overnight, its  director, Ambassador Rafindadi became a poster boy for repression and people started playing on General Idiagbon's name with that of Idi Amin Dada, Uganda's erstwhile murderous dictator. Buhari's subordinates could do all they liked knowing they would receive little or no censure from their master. It was often said Idiagbon was more powerful than the head of state himself.
All of which played into Babangida's hands. However, in order to supplant Buhari, he would have to rely on Abacha again. Abacha and Babangida were no friends. No two men could ever be so dissimilar. Babangida liked to pride himself as urbane, clever, learned and sophisticated while he regarded Abacha as dull, crude and too fond of women and drinks. On the other hand, Abacha took Babangida for a coward, a decadent sophist and a boastful buffoon. He knew Babangida's fabled intelligence to be of the dark type, one which he would use to plunge his country into political and economic disaster. Abacha relied on his sense and intuition, knowing he had more of this in his little finger than Babangida had in the whole of his brain. But if Babangida was to realize his burning ambition, become head of state, Abacha would be a necessary evil. Abacha, because of his ill-discipline and carousing lifestyle, had a huge following among officers in an army that was growing increasingly idle. He had prevailed on Babangida, who was chief of army staff, to install one of his sworn buddies, Brigadier Dongoyaro, as General Officer Commanding 2nd Mechanized Division, Ibadan, that army formation vital to the success of any coup plotter. Dongoyaro was to announce the demise of Buhari's administration on August 27,  1985. Then, in military and political calculations, the much-touted homogeneous north is in fact roughly split along Fulani and Hausa fault lines. The Buharis and the Yar'aduas belong to the Fulani group while Abacha then had the ears of the Hausa or Kano group. He was Kanuri, in far away Borno, but lived and grew up in Kano. Babangida was really an outsider, having come from Bida in far away southern margins of the north. Few Fulani officers would move against one of their own and it was imperative to garner support of the Hausa group, through General Sanni Abacha. Abacha was quite receptive to the removal of General Buhari  but he wasn't going to risk his life the second time for nothing. He too was interested in becoming head of state. He regarded himself as the Khallifa, or Successor. Kano was his adopted city, where the assassinated head of state, General Murtala Mohammed, also hailed from and there was the widespread feeling among civilian and military establishment in city that they had been shortchanged in the scheme of affairs and that they had been poorly compensated for the ill-fated regime of General Mohammed that was cut brutally short. In short, if he was going to spearhead another coup, he needed assurances he was going to get his just rewards.
Babangida said "No problem."
Abacha said he needed an assurance that looked more concrete that a verbal agreement.
Babangida then brought out a Koran and swore to the effect that whenever he was leaving power, Abacha would succeed him. That seemed to satisfy Abacha but he was no fool. He knew Babangida liked swearing falsely. Two events were to later bear him out. As the plot against him thickened, Buhari got wind of it and invited Babangida. "Ibro, I heard that you are plotting a coup against me." Babangida looked at him straight in the eye and flatly denied it and to reassure Buhari, had a Koran provided. On which he swore so volubly. The second was during the later stages of his incredibly tortuous political transition process. He had banned unbanned and banned again so many politicians that few, very few, believed the whole process had any credibility left. So when Chief M.K.O. Abiola was being persuaded to contest for president, he was naturally skeptical. So he went to Babangida who was supposed to be a great friend of his and asked if presidential vacancy truly existed in the whole political process that was looking worse than a charade every passing day. Babangida said yes and then brought out a Koran to cement the assurance.
So Abacha knew Babangida considered it fun taking the name of Allah in vain but he never betrayed a single emotion. He knew what he was going to do. He nodded and there and then, the fate of Nigeria was sealed. A horrific destination from which it was unable to free itself.